Before the British
came to India, the land was a very much
divided country, a land then not existing
under a unified or unitary sovereign
Government but a vast land of conglomeration
of different domains and principalities
called kingdoms and states (later on named
native states), big and small, with so many
culturally, ethnically and linguistically
varied and divided groups of indigenous
peoples under their own hereditary rules and
chiefs, in the names of Maharajas, Rajas,
Nawabs, Dewans, Zamindars, Jagirdars and
Emperor.
The British landed in India in the year 1608
AD firstly at Surat, one of the richest sea
ports on its west coast, as ordinary
traders, in the name of 'British East India
Company' who had been granted on 31 December
1600 by Queen Elizabeth I a charter with
rights of exclusive trading for 15 years to
the 'Governor and Company of Merchants of
London trading into the East Indies'.
The British people who so landed as very
ordinary traders initially consolidated
their power in due course of time, and with
their better skill and supremacy in arms and
diplomacy, became the overlords and
invincible rulers of the vast and much
divided country by expanding their power
gradually for which they took the fullest
advantage of the 'disunity' that were there
amongst the indigenous peoples, who by then,
were living not as a unified and strong
nation as such, though majority of them had
been somehow brought under the rising great
Mughal power established at Delhi from the
times of Babur and his son, Akbar, the great
during the 16th/17th centuries till it came
to an end from 1707 AD onwards with the
death of their last and weak Emperor,
Aurangazeb.
The power so established by the British East
India Company in the vast and much divided
land during the period of some two and half
centuries came under the direct control of
the British crown by an Act passed in the
British Parliament with effect from August
2, 1858 under the name 'The Government of
India Act', with full power and
responsibilities for the Government and
Revenues of India vested on one of Her
Majesty's secretaries of States due to the
effect of a great and widespread 'Indian
Revolt' known as 'Sepoy Mutiny of 1857' that
had flared up against the misruling of the
company over several aspects.
The great frustrations and discontent of the
people had been accumulating for long which
culminated at the aforesaid time with a
violent burst. The British Government thus
continued to rule over the vast country
directly under their crown in the name of
'British India', including that of the land
of a large area in the east annexed by them
on 1 January 1886 known as the kingdom of
Burma (now Myanmar) ruled by king Thibaw,
till year 1935-36 when it was separated as a
different unit (Dominion) under their rule.
The direct ruling of the British Crown over
the country was done through a
representative known as the Viceroy of India
with his capital shifted to New Delhi from
being earlier at Calcutta (now Kolkata),
founded by Job Charnock of the company in
the year 1696 on the 'marshy village called
Sutanati' after the failure of the company
to take nearby port Chittagong by force in
1686. The British thus had been ruling over
the country with unchallengeable mighty
powers, for the establishment of which the
credit really goes to Robert Clive, who
began his service in the East India Company
as a mere clerk but who subsequently rose to
higher military ranks by his hard works and
exemplary valors displayed in the crucial
battles taken place between the force of the
company and the outnumbering local force and
ultimately became the Governor of the
Presidency of Bengal annexed and ruled by
the Company.
However, they (the British) had to part with
their paramount power so acquired quite
dearly, as was inevitably compelled to do so
under the rapidly rising national and
international political heavy pressures that
had been exerting on them since 1929/30s
which reached the highest peaks in the year
1946 and 1947 i.e. immediately after the end
of the Second World War.
Therefore, as a result of an Act passed in
the British Parliament under the Premiership
of Clement Richard Attlee of the Labor Party
under the name 'the Indian Independence Act,
1947' they ultimately relinquished their
'imperial power' at midnight of the 14th
August by handing over to the interim
Government headed by a Governor-General,
Lord Louis Mountbatten, later on succeeded
soon by CR Rajagopalachari under an interim
Constituent Assembly which soon enacted and
adopted a new Constitution for the
independent country and it became a Republic
from the day of the 26th January 1950
onwards with Dr Rajendra Prasad elected as
its first President and Jawaharlal Nehru as
the first Prime Minister.
The handling over of the Sovereign power to
the interim Government was done at midnight
of the 14th August 1947 as it was considered
to be a day more auspicious than the day of
the 15th of August 1947, a day and date for
the occasion recommended by Mountbatten and
approved by the British Prime Minister, CR
Attlee.
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the leader of the
interim Constituent Assembly thus hit upon a
compromise by calling the sitting of the
Constituent Assembly in the midnight and
thus took over the power immediately after
the 'zero hour' of the day thus serving both
the purposes of observing the
'auspiciousness' of the day as fixed by the
learned Hindu astrologers according to Hindu
calendar, and also fully conforming to the
date fixed by the British authorities, for
the British system the day of the 15th
August 1947 begins immediately after the
midnight of the 14th of August 1947 which,
for the Indian system, continues to be the
day of it still till the 'Suryaudai' - the
'Sun-rise' of the 15th morning.
While the people of the land rejoiced on
their becoming a nation of a free and
independent sovereign country it was
shrouded in deep feelings of great sadness
because the great land, which was once
existing as a vast domain of a singular
country, known as 'Bharat-Varsha' had been
divided into two separate dominions of
independent countries named, India and
Pakistan, the former being a 'Secular State'
and the later a country purely of Muslim
religion. To the Pakistanis they prefer
India to be called always by the name
'Hindustan', most probably with an aim to
subvert its well laid down spirit of being
always a secular country.
The two independent Dominions of Countries
were so born as an immediate outcome or
result of the Act passed in the British
Parliament under the name of Indian
Independence Act, 1947 as had been mentioned
earlier. Their creations were done as per
provision laid down in the first para of the
Act of which the 'seeds for the division'
had already been 'sown' from the time of
Viceroy, Minto of the much earlier period
(from November 1905 to November 1910),
according to whose reforms introduced under
an Act known as Government of India Act,
1909 separate electorates from the Muslims
in the country had been provided to serve
the purpose of 'divide and rule' policy of
the British for weakening the 'oneness' of
the Indian people for their going against
them for achieving their demand of 'full
independence' for the country as one.
The Act so passed allowed all the Native
States, some 500-600 in number, then
existing in semi-independent status, till
then to 'opt' for joining with 'Either' of
the two dominions by merging along with
their contiguous neighboring provinces, or
to remain as a separate state within the
dominion, if considered 'viable' to do so
from the political, financial and other
essential points of views, and as such all
of them at once joined and merged in the
Dominion of India smoothly and quite
peacefully by absorbing into their
contiguous neighboring provinces except the
States of Hyderabad, Kashmir, Benares,
Tripura and Manipur.
In the case of the former two giant States,
they were merged after they were forced to
do so as a result of swift and
unchallengeable military actions taken by
the mighty Indian Army in the pretext of
taking internal police actions, in the case
of Hyderabad, and in the case of Kashmir,
after a brief spell of war taken place with
Pakistan who most aggressively intruded and
assisted their tribesmen in their sudden
raid carried out on the State, which by then
was under the independent ruling of a Hindu
King over a vast majority of Muslim subjects
and the king who, greatly alarmed by their
rapid aggression fully backed by Pakistan
Army, at once 'acceded' his kingdom to the
Indian Union and sought the immediate
military assistance of the Government of
India and thus the action of the Indian Army
had been taken till it was stopped by an
intervention directed from the United
Nations after which the State became
recognized as a fully merged State within
the Dominion of India minus a large area on
the western sector that had been forcibly
occupied by Pakistan as a part of their
Dominion being known as the 'occupied
Kashmir' for which the dispute between the
two dominions of India and Pakistan is still
dragging on unsettled.
In fact, the dispute very adamantly raised
still by Pakistan is on the issue of
claiming the entire State of Kashmir to be
acceded to her on the basis of having its
vast majority of Muslim population like that
of having a majority of Hindu population in
the case of Hyderabad under a Muslim ruler,
the Nizam.
The accession of Kashmir done by its Hindu
Maharaja was immediately ratified by Sheikh
Abdullah, leader of the All Jammu and
Kashmir National Conference, an organization
who enjoyed popular support. Sheikh Abdullah
became the Prime Minister, a special status,
of the merged State of Kashmir and in
November 1956 its Constituent Assembly
legalized her status as being the 'de facto'
integral part of the dominion of India. Had
it not been due to the timely, swift and
highly commendable service and action of the
gallant troops of the Indian army,
particularly of the Air-borne troops under
the command of the most able and well know,
Brigadier Thimaya, Kashmir would have been,
perhaps in the map of Pakistan by now, and
in that case what could have been the actual
'scenario' of relationship in between the
two countries by now, particularly in their
spirits of 'hostilities' is the 'billion
dollar' question that keeps everyone highly
guessing and wondering.
The accession of Hyderabad, the biggest
State in India, with the India union, was
not effected without bloodshed. The State
with a Muslim ruler and a large majority of
Hindu population, just the opposite to that
of Kashmir, entered into a year's
stand-still agreement with the Indian Union
on 29 November, 1947. As a result of the
Agreement, Indian troops were withdrawn, but
the Hyderabad police force and the local
Razakar troops under Syed Kasim Razvi took
complete control over the civil population.
Moreover, the Nizam demanded an outlet to
the sea and the port of his choice was Goa.
The Government of India tried to persuade
Hyderabad to immediately accede to the
Indian Union and accordingly prepared a
Draft Agreement for that purpose. The
growing violence of the Razakar troops in
Hyderabad and smuggling of arms from foreign
Governments precipitated a great crisis. The
Government of India demanded the immediate
disbandment of the Razakar troops and the
deployment of the Indian troops at
Secunderabad. But the Nizam, who had sought
intervention of the United Nations, refused
to accept these terms.
Consequently, the Indian troops under Major
General JN Choudhury of the cavalry marched
into Hyderabad on 13 Sept, 1948 and had very
ably and promptly diffused the critical
situation that was developing quite
alarmingly. The Government of India declared
that it was not an act of 'war' but purely a
'police action', intended to restore peace
and order in the State. Kasim Razvi was
arrested, the Razakar organization was
dissolved, and the Nizam submitted.
Eventually Hyderabad acceded to India in
November 1949. As for the two small States,
namely Benares and Tripura, they quite
tamely came in within the Dominion of India
with effect from 15 October, 1949 along with
Manipur for which they had already and
smoothly signed the merger agreement on 5
and 9 September respectively.
Thus Manipur, though small in her physical
territory, was the last native State which
remained unsettled, just as she was the last
native State conquered by the Mighty
British, as she had presented some but quite
delicate issue and problems in regard to her
smooth and immediate merger to the newly
established independent Congress led
Government of India under the Premiership of
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar
Vallavbhai Patel as the Union Home Minister.
The then King of the State, Maharaja
Bodhchandra Singh, the eldest son of
Maharaja Sir Churachand Singh, KSCI CBE
Knight Commander Star of India Commander
British Empire) took over the 'reins' of the
independent sovereign power from GP Stewart,
the Political Agent who was earlier
President Manipur State Darbar (Chief
Minister's rank) under the Maharaja and
succeeded Christopher Gimson, ICS of the
erstwhile British Government, signed the
withdrawal and handling over document on
behalf of the British Crown and handed over
to Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh on the 14th of
August 1947 at midnight at the official room
of the Imphal British Residency, now the
Imphal Raj Bhavan.
In this regard, there is an interesting
episode happened, in that when Maharaja
Bodhchandra Singh was conveyed of a message
from the Political Agent for his (the
Maharaja) coming over to the British
residency for the little ceremony of the
historic event to be performed, Maharaja
Bodhchandra Singh, being of quite an adamant
and obstinate character of not tolerating
such insubordinate attitudes forthcoming
from the subordinate types of authorities,
at first was quite annoyed with and flatly
refused to go to the British residency to
keep-up his royal dignity of being the King
of the State but later on, has been well
convinced by the Political Agent who himself
rushed up to the Imphal palace and offered
his honest explanation saying that he could
not carry out the power handling and taking
over ceremony or function at the palace
since he had to do it on behalf of the
Viceroy and His Majesty, the King of the
British Empire, and it was only after that
Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh, fully convinced
of the very delicate situation faced by the
Political Agent, went to the British
residency and took over the power from the
political agent, GP Stewart who, of course,
immediately after the short function was
over, resumed paying his normal courtesies
to the king of Manipur, which became again
an independent kingdom as before from that
very midnight of the 14th of August 1947 for
which a very befitting function was
organized at Kangla in the next morning of
the 15th of August, 1947 with hoisting of
Pakhangba embedded Manipur's Royal Flag in
place of the British Union Jack Flag which
had since been flying high till that time at
the Kangla Fort since the year 1891, April
27 when the State was compelled to come
under the mighty British power as a result
of its defeat suffered at their hands in the
main battle taken place at Khongjom and its
nearby areas where many of the heroes and
great generals of Manipur, Yaiskul Lakpa
along with his young son, Sengoi Sana, Paona
Braja Bashi, Chongtham Mia, Yengkhoiba,
Wangkhei Meiraba, Chinglen Sana etc most
heroically sacrificed their lives for the
defense of the integrity of their beloved
age-old independent mother-land country.
Thus Manipur being free from the yoke of the
British Power and had attained again the
status of an Independent Sovereign States
began in the right earnest to run her own
administration, and in doing so, the first
and immediate step that was very
thoughtfully and rightly taken up was that
the administration of the State was carried
out in a 'democratic line' for which an Act
named as the Manipur Constitution Act, 1947
was immediately drafted and got approved and
according to which, in April 1948, the
Manipur State Election Rules, 1948, was also
adopted and accordingly election on the
basis of 'universal adult franchise' for 53
Manipur State Assembly seats consisting of
30 for general, 18 for Hills, 3 for
Mohammedans, 1 for Educational interest and
1 for Commercial interest was carried out in
which were elected 14 from the Manipur State
Congress, 18 independents from the Hills, 12
from the Manipur Praja Santi Sabha, 5 from
the Manipur Krishak Sabha and 3 from the
Socialist Party, and a new Council of
Ministers comprised of Maharaj Kumar Priya
Brata Singh as the Chief Minister and Home
and Revenue portfolios, Arambam Ibotomcha
Singh as the Finance Minister, Ayekpam
Gourabidhu Singh, as Commerce and Industries
Minister, Major R Khating, MBE, MC as
Minister, Hill areas, Teba Kilong as Forest
and Agriculture Minister and Md Alimuddin of
Lilong as Jail and Medical Minister started
functioning.
They recited the words 'Chatloko hey!
athouba, pukphaba, dharmac- henba, iningthou,
nahakna chatkhibadi khunai asigi aroiba
nummit takhib- anido etc' - 'hey noble and
religious and courageous king of Manipur! we
all bid 'adieu' to you on your great soul's
departure for the journey to heaven. Your
departure from us do mark, indeed, the
setting of the last monarchical sun of this
hoary land'.
The cremation of Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh
was delayed from the early morning to late
dark evening quite unusually as the decision
of the Government of India for his immediate
successor was awaited which could not be
decided and given by the then Chief
Commissioner of Manipur, PC Matthew, ICS.
The decision of succession came however in
the late afternoon from New Delhi in a
“crash” wireless message flashed selecting
his 'legitimate eldest young son, Okendrajit
Singh of some 5 years old, the younger
brother of Princes Tamphasana Devi to
succeed his late father as was decided and
recommended in a decision taken in a very
prolonged meeting held at the Chief
Commissioner’s House after examining very
thoroughly and carefully all the “nooks and
corners” of the very very delicate issue
that had come up in between the Chief
Commissioner, PC Matthew, Maharaj Kumar
Priya Brata Singh, ex-Chief Minister and
Customs Secretary to His Highness the
Maharaja, Waikhom Chaoba Singh, former
Darbar Member (Minister) and was also the
“guardian-tutor” of Maharaja Bodhchandra
Singh during the time of his yubrajship.
The Rajmata, Kamlavati Devi (Sangai Devi),
the second Rani of Maharaja Bodhchandra
Singh had been also made the “regent” of the
young and minor king duly assisted by a
'court of ward” headed by late Salam Tombi
Singh, Member of the then Manipur
Territorial Council and later on became
Speaker of the Manipur Legislative Assembly
and a Minister, for as per standing
tradition of Manipur in regard to royal
cremations, it cannot be carried out unless
the name of a successor of the deceased king
is announced and made publicly known. The
queen of Manipur then was Nepali princess,
Iswari Devi, eldest daughter of Prince
Ramraja of Ramnagar of the then United
Provinces and a cousin of His Majesty
Maharaja Dhiraj, the king of Nepal. Iswari
Devi was also a grand daughter of His
Highness the Maharaja (then Prime Minister)
of Nepal, and also a cousin sister of Nepali
Brigadier, Kali Bahadur of the Royal Nepal
Army whose brigade of warrior Gorkhas was in
Manipur during 1942/43 participating in the
fighting of the British against the Japanese
as one of its loyal Allies. Maharani Iswari
Devi had no issue. Actually, the third Oriya
daughter of Raja of Bodo Khimdi in Ganjam
district of the erstwhile Madras Presidency,
Ram Priya Devi whom Maharaja Bodhachandra
Singh married in 1929 when he was the Yubraj
should have been the Queen of Manipur had
she not been untimely divorced in 1941 due
to a ‘point of no return’ very strained
relationship developed in between the father
king of Manipur, Maharaja Sir Churachand
Singh and the Raja of Bodo Khimdi on the
issue of much less unexpected “royal dowry”
received by the former from the latter.
Of course, as
had been mentioned earlier the option on the
part of Manipur was either to merge with the
Dominion of India or with the Dominion of
Pakistan. Considering her very unfavorable
geographical and other political
considerations, and also cultural and
religious conditions, in particular, joining
with the Dominion of Pakistan by Manipur was
straightaway very much out of question and
hence Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh very
thoughtfully and rightly “paved the way” for
finally merging with the Dominion of India
by his signing during the early stage in the
so called instrument of Accession and the
Standstill Agreement on 11 August, 1947.
In fact, the British Government had already
given their green signal in the year 1935 to
Maharaja Sir Churachand Singh for the State
of Manipur to join with the Dominion of
Burma (now Myanmar) when it was being carved
out by separating it from the British India
if he was willing to do so to which, the
Maharaja, farsightedly was thoughtful in his
thinking or otherwise, had kept “mum” on the
very tricky issue - the seemingly generous
offer of the British Government was actually
nothing but for keeping the most strategic
State of Manipur as a “buffer state” on the
eastern most fringe of India for serving
their interest. Had Manipur joined with
Burma, as was very much desired and worked
upto the last for last for it by Neta Hijam
Irabot Singh much later on, what would have
been the conditions of the State - could
they have been politically and economically
in a much better off state or in a much
worsened condition than the present one
which is very much like living in a “big
frying cauldron” placed above a very
violently burning fire? Really it is also a
billion dollar question that may not be very
easily answered even by a political
'genius'.
While such far-sighted views of the kings of
Manipur are something very much appreciable
the hasty and highly dictating manner on the
part of the then Government of India adopted
in forcing the helpless king, Maharaja
Bodhchandra Singh to sign the Merger
Agreement on 21 September 1949 at Governor’s
House at Shillong without the due approval
of his Cabinet is still considered by many,
particularly by the legal experts, to be
very “untactful” and “undemocratic” act on
the part of the Government of India.
The feelings
of great sadness are still there in the
humble minds of the people of Manipur of the
high-handed act of the then Government of
India, particularly of the Union Home
Minister, Sardar Vallavbhai Patel by which
the king of Manipur and his party were put
under some sort of a House arrest as some
war “captives at the royal residency at Red
Lands, Shillong from 18 to 20 September,
1949 and of the unbearable news of
humiliations underwent by the highly
religious and very peaceful king. Maharaja
Bodhchandra Singh at the hands of the
Governor of Assam, Prakasa and his Advisor,
Nari K Rustomji.
Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh became so
desperate by the unexpected humiliations
done to him that he became almost “insane”
at one point of time and had secretly and
most unbelievably told his private Secretary
late Sanasam Gourahari Singh of Singjamei
Makha who accompanied in the royal journey
to be ready even to murder the Governor and
his Advisor, Nari K Rustomji when they meet
them again on the next day of 19.9.1949 for
further negotiation to be carried out by
shooting the former by the Maharaja and the
latter by Gourahari Singh and then both
Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh and the private
secretary Gourahari Singh to end their lives
then and there in the Governor’s House
Shillong by shooting each other for the sake
of keeping up the age-old prestige and
territorial integrity of their beloved
mother land, independent, Manipur”.
Anyway, it was God’s kindness that no
untoward incident in this regard had
happened and that Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh
regained his good and calm senses and
finally signed the Merger Agreement on 21
September, 1949 and it was after that
Manipur was merged with the Dominion of
India with effect from 15 October 1949,
though in a very petty status of a mere part
“C” State (third class status) reducing her
to a mere State under the ruling of a petty
officer of the rank of Chief Commissioner -
what a downfall brought by the then
Political leaders of Manipur, very much
unlike that of the neighboring State of
Nagaland whose leaders lifted their land
from the mere status of a district to a
full-fledged State (first class status) by
dint of their far sighted and very bold
policies adopted. For the stunning
anti-climatic downfall in the status of the
State which had been once indomitably
existing as an independent State and age-old
kingdom the sulking of the people still
continues, and according to many legal
experts the merger agreement so carried out
under “duress” is highly unconstitutional
and illegal ‘ab initio’- which is very much
“impugnable or refutable” from the point of
existing laws, particularly of the
International ones.
In this regard, it may be of quite an
interesting piece for the readers to find,
an extract of points of the analytical
comments of Lt. CoI (retired) and an
ex-Minister, Haobam Bhuban Singh of
Singjamei Chingamathak given in his book
written and entitled, The Merger of Manipur.
He says, in page 133, that even a big State
like Hyderabad could not withstand the
Indian Military Action of September 1949,
how could a tiny State, Manipur face the
violent music that was to be played by India
against it in case she had made efforts for
going against her merger with the former,
and to remain as an independent State of her
own. He says further that there is no Native
State either in India or in Pakistan which
declared independent and remained of her
own.
He however very boldly criticized the
Government of India for being not 'tactful
and patient enough', while handling the
merger issue of Manipur as in page 138. Also
he denounced the treacherous act of India
carried out at Shillong by which all the
insurgents of Manipur are made still angry -
page 139. He also highly praises Maharaja
Bodhchandra Singh for his sincere spirit of
being a thorough nationalist and not an
arrogant autocrat though he could have been
so as he could have exercised very wide
autocratic powers immediately after the
withdrawal of the British paramount powers
from the State - page 140.
Now to continue the writing as its last
part, it may be said that - whatever
happened has happened, nothing could be done
now to reel back to the days gone-bye and
get back the things that had occurred and
had been destroyed in an eternally lost
nature, due to the great “blunders and
narrow sights of the leaders”, just as
nothing can be done to retrieve the milk in
bulk that has been splashed on the ground or
the glass that has been smashed and broken
into pieces except to remain calmly and
thoughtfully in 'solace' by believing to the
divine saying that all things of events in
the world do happen or ordained to happen
due to God, Almighty’s doings for the
ultimate good and welfare of men and also
due to their destined fates - such was a
quick answer given by witty Birbal to
Emperor, Akbar when he got a serious
cut-injury in one of his fingers and
profusely bleeding to the great alarm of all
the royal companions except Birbal during a
hunting expedition, and because of that cut
suffered with a mark left on the emperor’s
finger he was saved later on from being
sacrificed before deity goddess by human
sacrificers (chandalas) who caught him and
carried him away overpowered while he
happened to be in an all alone and helpless
situation as he was separated from his
entire party suddenly due to loss of way in
the mist of the thick jungle during a
subsequent outing for hunting - had it not
been for the cut mark bored on the finger of
Akbar he would not have been saved from the
human sacrifice that was to be done by the
priest of the deity's temple who on seeing
his cut mark suddenly refused the sacrifice
and released him immediately - the event so
happened was really a mysterious and
absolutely unbelievable one to the great
emperor but it did make him good to realize
of the naked truth spoken earlier by his
most-trusted and witty companion Minister,
Birbal who was well rewarded by the emperor
instead of sulking further on him for his
“couldn’t care attitude” shown earlier at
the time of occurrence of the serious injury
to the emperor.
So also had it not been due to the precious
loss of life of Thangjam Manorama Devi
occurred in the year 2004 on 11 July for
which, of course, the majority of the people
of Manipur deeply share the profound grief
of her parents, family members and close
friends, the people of Manipur would not
have, perhaps, got back still their most
sacred place, Kangla.
Whatever may be the drawbacks and faults
that may be there in the merger of Manipur
with the Dominion of India the best part
that lies in its “Merger Agreement” signed
most trustfully on 21st September 1949 by
both the sides is the “safe-guard” that may
be said to have been laid down in respect of
its jurisdiction i.e. the territory of
Manipur comprising of both the hills and the
valley which had been “ceded-enbloc” by
Maharaja Bodhchandra Singh to the Dominion
of India as mentioned at the outset as the
first and foremost of the instrument of the
Merger Agreement under Article I, which is a
term of trustful agreement that may not be
violated or set aside now by the present
Government of India merely for fulfilling
their partisan politics of appeasing only a
few highly communal sections of people who
are very adamantly insisting and threatening
time and again for causing an
ethnic-disintegration and also
disintegration of the “age-old” territory of
the hoary land of Manipur, the existence of
which, even though say, it becomes the so
called south-Nagaland, cannot be “dreamt of
at all” without the “peaceful co-existence”
of both the peoples of the hills and the
plain as one as had been so from time
immemorial - “Chingda taba mahaige, tamda
taba mahaige, wakon tanoi noi...” “be it the
settlers of the hills, be it the settlers of
the valley, both are one from the same
primeval stock” - this is how the Manipuri
Lai Haraoba (merriment of gods, the
progenitors of all the indigenous people)
folk song sings in the very ancient and
primeval tune indicating of the ever
inseparable oneness relationship existing in
between the two groups of people.
Actually, it was only from the time of the
British rule that the seeds of feelings of
division in between the two indigenous
blood-related groups of people were “sown”
for carrying out a “divide and rule” policy
for strengthening their position taking the
full advantage of the inferior treatment
done by the plains’ people, the Meiteis, to
the people of the Hills as if they were of
some alien and untouchable peoples by virtue
of the former’s becoming orthodox Hindus at
the much later stage, and also by their
having a much better and advanced living
conditions - it is the very fruit of the
seeds of division so sown by the British for
achieving their partisan goal that is being
“reaped” now by both the sects of people of
the hills and the plain of Manipur, in
particular the Meiteis, by which is made all
of them living presently under a very very
uncertain and uneasy atmosphere with quite a
unpeaceful and ever fearful “psyche”.
In case the present Government of India
happens to violate or discard the agreement
so trustfully signed earlier unduly
subverting it under their unchallengeable
powers provided in Article 3(a) of the
Constitution, which are powers actually
meant to be exercised very sparingly and
rarely as very special cases related to
solving only the problems of highly
administrative inconveniences that happen to
be faced by two or more states, and not
“sweetly” otherwise simply for serving
“communal or religious” purposes destroying
the very spirit of “Secularism” and
“non-Communalism”, on the basis of which the
great country had been founded and built up
and is smoothly carrying on till date - the
people who may be aggrieved then, of course,
should have every right to fight it out
taking the due course of law”.
In fact, the history of Manipur, when it is
traced or looked back to many centuries
earlier, is according to the findings of
many learned historians, the history of a
unique and hoary land which came into
existence after a great “deluge” had taken
place, and after which formed a mountainous
country of a valley surrounded all around by
ranges of high mountains standing all around
like high walls protecting the valley, on
which (on the mountains) arrived hordes and
streams of immigrants of different groups of
Mongoloid stock of peoples and began to
settle.
These hordes of immigrants came down from
far away places of Mongolia, China, Tibet
via accessible routes of the great Himalayan
ranges and also came up from south-east
Asian regions, namely Cambodia, Thailand
(previously Siam) and even from Malaysian
islands via the routes along Mekong or
Lancang Jiang or Lan-ts’ang major river of
south-east Asia, 4184 km or 2600 miles long
rising in Tibet and flowing down southwards
through China, Laos, Kampuchea and Vietnam
joining finally the South China Sea.
The main groups of the immigrants so arrived
and settled beginning from the hills were
the Poireis, the Khumans, the Lei-Nungs,
Lei-Hous from whom sprang out the so called,
Seven-salais (clans) which formed the groups
- the Meiteis, the Tangkhuls, the Kabuis,
the Marams, the Maos, the Marings, the
Chothes, the Chirus, the Anals, the Koms,
the Koirengs and all other indigenous tribes
who had been since living in the most
ancient land very peacefully as the
inseparable brethren of a big family of
people having all the similarities and
identical characteristics in their customs,
cultures, styles and habits of living, and
all more importantly, linguistically because
of which there is the “love” and good
“understanding” amongst them all of being
the oneness of a people who stemmed out from
the same Mongoloid stock.
It is because of the presence of a good deal
of elements of the Khumans, Leinungs and
Leihous amongst the Meiteis and the Tangkhul
tribes, in particular, that there has been a
strong claim of very close
blood-relationship in between them. It is
said that the dynastic god of the Meiteis
and all their cognate tribes, Pakhangba, was
born of a Leihou mother, Yabiroka, daughter
of a Leihou chief along with other sons who
had been left over in the hills under the
care of their maternal grand-father when the
group of the former came down and settled in
the valley. The brothers of Pakhangba who
had been so left in the hills were the ones
who became the Tangkhuls etc.
It is in the context of the above
highlighted glaring facts that one would
like to very frankly 'disagree' with the
claim that “the non-Kuki tribes”, numbering
only some three lakhs in total as against a
total of more than 4 lakhs of the Kukis of
the entire hills of Manipur, who came under
the umbrella of very recently adopted
“appellation - Naga”, which is actually a
very superficial and artificial nomenclature
introduced by the British administrators to
suit their purpose of the “divide and rule”
policy, have their “own separate and unique
history” as one unified people from the
beginning of their primeval descent or
appearance on the hoary land.
The figures of population quoted as above
are the figures given in the letter of the
Kuki Movement for Human Rights and Kuki
Students’ Organization written to the Union
Minister for Human Rights Development, Arjun
Singh on 6.8.2006.
In their letter they also strongly asserted
the fact that no district in Manipur is
exclusively inhabited by a single ethnic
group or community, and that the Districts
were created within the State only for the
convenience of administration and not at all
for serving any communal purpose.
To sum up, it is to be said that the Kingdom
of Manipur had been existing since time
immemorial ever constituted by its hills and
the valley inseparably with its indigenous
subjects of peoples categorized under two
names, the Tammis (the people who settled in
the valley) and the Chingmis or the Haos
(the people of all the groups irrespective
of their indigenous ethnic divisions settled
or remained in the hills).
therefore it really tantamount quite
“mischievous and flagrant, and not at all a
“feasible plan”, to make the ethnic and
territorial “disintegration” on the basis of
only one “plank” of community by “sowing”
seeds of ‘hatredness” amongst the innocent
people of both the sects who should not
delay to “wake up to realize” fully the ill
and most fearful consequences that they will
disastrously face as a result of such ‘an
ethnic and territorial break-up’, if happens
to take place at all. |