Dealing With Conflicts
By Gen. V.K. Nayar
Geopolitical and Historical dynamics The mosaic of the North East represents heterogeneity at its extreme, with high level of ethnic, cultural and linguistic diversity not found in any other region. Similarly, political evolution in the North East is influenced by its divergent historical experience, social and cultural diversity and distinctiveness. Politico-administrative decisions taken by the British between 1874–1935 gave hill areas a distinct identity disregarding past historic ties, socio-cultural and economic interaction, which isolated them further. By virtue of its location North East is characterized by socio-political instability and economic backwardness. Isolation and inaccessibility continue to influence perceptions and undermine stability. Flow of immigrants, rising socio-economic aspirations, land alienation and lack of infrastructure has retarded the process of development and integration. The extension of administration to the peripheral areas of the North East was viewed with suspicion and interpreted as interference in their traditional system. While out of the system the same traditional centers of power are being used to mobilize people against it. Distorted political ethos, corruption and maladministration further compounded the problem. The reactive nature of our policies has encouraged the belief that agitation and violence alone engage attention as our political responses generally followed agitations and insurgencies in the region. Lack of consistency and firmness in dealing with the immigrants has added to insecurity amongst the local communities as influx of immigrants’ poses economic, social and cultural threats, and provides cause for conflict and violence. Ethnic mobilization is its current facet, which automatically poses a threat to adversaries resulting in conflict. The level of development in the hills and the plains differ a lot as is the level of economic activity and their economies are under developed but due to the social structure of societies, poverty as found in many parts of the country does not exist. Level of literacy is generally above all India level but unemployment is increasing. Division of the North East into several hill states has led to further isolation and has constrained economic development. This has also resulted in a conflict prone environment. Political geography, high degree of isolation and absence of industrialization has discouraged population movement not only between North East and rest of India but also within the North East. On independence due to partition of the country access to area was confined to the narrow Siliguri Corridor and our efforts to re-establish traditional links with Bangladesh have not succeeded. The artificial division left fractured borders and disrupted past relationships and created complex security problems of immigration, smuggling, infiltration and subversion. Historically, the North East has remained outside the Central power structure and influence. Even the great Vaisnavite surge during the 15th and 16th century remained confined mainly to the Brahmaputra Valley and the Moghul influence which was short lived also remained confined to the areas of South Assam. British annexation in the 19th century did not mean administering the area. It was essentially to protect their interests in the plains. The interaction of the people of the North East was confined to bureaucratic officers, traders, moneylenders and forest contractors, whose high handedness and corrupt practices in the absence of social and cultural interaction could hardly bring them closer to the broad Indian life. Similarly the spirit of Indian nationalism during the freedom movement left the undeveloped areas of the North East except Assam untouched. Although the North East was exposed to the political, administrative and economic system in the rest of the country but its consciousness retained its regional experience. However, it is the factor of physical isolation which impinges on the minds of the people the most as it leads to economic and social harassment both within the North East and from outside. Contemporary experience and problems Modernization In the socio-political field both the good and bad effects of the modernization have been felt. Unfortunately, the process has not been harmonized and past values and systems are in conflict with the forces of modernization. Its two major manifestations are – the modern or urban elite have replaced the traditional rural elite and the traditional self-governing system has been replaced by a centralized and formal system. While the tribal societies are getting modernized, the federal independent group system still remains. While there is wide spread demand for autonomy and in a rare case for independence but people find it difficult to accept the emerging economic class structure. Literacy, awareness and modern political system has been accompanied by corrupt administration both civil and political, mounting economic bankruptcy and unemployment, which has proved fertile ground for exploitation by both corrupt political set up and insurgents. Neglect and lack of real economic development has provided incentives for exploitation, which have been accentuated by influx of foreigners outsiders), giving rise to ethnic parochialism. Under these conditions the question of identity has come to the forefront. Immigrants or Foreigners The issue of foreigners evokes strong feeling amongst the people of the North East, particularly of Assam. At the same time the issue is highly politicized, with each political party trying to take electoral advantage. Failure to implement the Assam Accord of 1985 and conflicting stand on illegal migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act, 1983 has further confused the issue and made the situation volatile. The unabated trans-border migration has altered the demographic profile of Tripura and threatening to change that of Assam and other North Eastern States. While dealing with the issue of migration there is need for realism. There are all the indications that Bangladesh will face serious crises of lebensraum and the natural trend will be towards sparsely populated areas in the South East in Arakans and to the North East, which will not be restrainable by border fences and strict border regimes: Migration has occurred the world over due to economic, national crises, state failure (Afghanistan), internal conflicts due to communal and sectarian violence (Sri Lanka) and Coercive state authority, underlying these in South Asia is the crises in nation building and governance. Irrespective of reasons, political mud slinging and rhetoric cannot resolve the problem. The problem needs a rational approach to control and manage it. We can resolve, control and manage the illegal migrants from Bangladesh provided we can enunciate a clear-cut policy. First of all, there has to be a firm commitment of all political parties to the cut off date of 25th March 1971, as agreed in the Assam accord. Any change or dilution of it as during the discussions of indigenous people of Assam in 2000 should be done away with once for all. IMDT Act of 1983 has proved totally ineffective and should be scraped and Foreigner’s Act of 1952 should be made applicable to Assam as well. Having recognized the fact that trade related issues and labor movement in the region will continue to be a major requirement in the liberalized economic environment there is a need to put in place a system of work permits. This can only work, if a properly thought out Immigration and Naturalization Regime similar to the one in U.S.A. is put into place. The other issues requiring immediate attention is the issue of identity cards for all Indian citizens in the North East and entry of names into the citizens’ registers should be after due verification. A National Commission be set up to examine the issue of work permits for migrants, identity cards for Indian citizens, a National migration law, Citizen’s Act and Foreigner’s Act. Finally, setting of a proper immigration and Naturalization Regime as a permanent department should be considered. There are clear indications that economic interdependence, free flow of trade and commerce and work force will be the hall mark of future regional co-operation, therefore, growth and well being of Bangladesh along with the North East is vital for the stability of the region. Thus, strengthening of SAARC is vital, if problem of mutual concerns have to be tackled, immigration is one such issue. The discussion of illegal immigrants of Bangladesh will not be complete without addressing its security dimensions. The influx has led to disruption of internal politics, smuggling and other illegal activities and porous borders have resulted in insurgents seeking shelter in Bangladesh. The security dimensions go beyond normal trans border activities due to Pak ISI presence and connivance of Bangladesh Field Intelligence and Right Wing Jammat and mushrooming of madrasas along the Indo-Bangladesh and Indo-Nepal borders. The need for a Border Regime functioning under a unified system, a well placed immigration system and effective local administration is not only essential but also inescapable. Dealing with Conflicts The insurgencies in the North East are a reflection of its social, cultural, ethnic and politico economic milieu and changes in the environment. The diversity of the North East is reflected in the pattern of conflicts, which are varied in their nature and causes and stance of the insurgent groups, which remain divergent and ever changing. These range from secession to autonomy, movement against foreigners and immigrants, ethnic integration and looking back to their roots as a reaction to perceived Indianness; the common factor is resorting to violence in articulation and mobilization for the same. The core of the insurgents remains separatist and anti-establishment and ethnic for support amongst the people. The support base of the insurgents has shifted from rural to the urban areas as this is where the material and financial resources are, the Govt. money being the main source. Insurgents have learnt by experience that control of population and subversion, accompanied by planned acts of violence and terrorism, are rewarding and at minimum cost. The emphasis is on exploiting ethnic bonds to influence events in all fields – political, economic, social and cultural. The politician-bureaucrat-elite insurgent nexus in the North East, particularly in the Hill States, unless checked, will continue to provide support to insurgency to achieve their diverse aims and further intensify deprivation and alienation of the people. Due to growing nexus between Pakistan ISI, the North East insurgents and the Islamic fundamentalists, the dimension of the internal security threat to the region has increased. Insurgencies represent only the physical conflicts, which draw the attention of the authorities. It is equally true of ethno-centric conflicts where communities are passing though a period of transition, which is painful and conflict prone. The conflicts are just not in terms of its visible violent manifestations; the more painful and deep are the inner turmoil. Violence is only an outcome of internal conflicts and contradictions. Law and order is a problem but not the whole problem, there is social, economic, and political issues, which affects peoples lives and contribute to their feeling of deprivation, continued isolation, process of modernization, ethnic consciousness (ethno – nationalism), cultural insecurity and relative economic backwardness that have the precipitating effect of deprivation. The paradigms of conflict resolution and management relevant to the situation in the North East are an Ideal Politik and a Co-operative Approach. The approach should also encompass the factors responsible for escalation of conflicts. You cannot talk of peace and a political solution and still persists with the policy of real politik. The other issue is focus of our policy of ideal politik and a co-operative response. Since the core issue is deprivation and it entirely relates the people, the common man, the focus has to be on them. So far, our focus has been on politics and thereby on insurgents and politicians, their focus is entirely on political issues and power, with no place for people deprivation. Good governance is the cement, which binds the policy framework of Ideal Politik and a Co-operative Approach. However, this does not mean that response to violence has to be less effective. In real terms, it means the response to violence has to be effective and well directed and non-partisan as securing the environment in all its dimensions including physical should be our aim. Fight deprivation through economic revival The root causes of the problem in the North East are deprivation (different in different areas), ethnic consciousness or resurgence and social and cultural insecurity. These are fed by people’s sense of alienation and denial. So far, the policy pronouncement and initiatives in the political and economic realm negate each other, thereby the impact of these. The announcements by the four Prime Ministers indicate the continuation of the policy of pouring in money without accountability and monitoring; thereby resulting in perpetuation of corruption, deprivation and insurgency. It is doubtful, if the leadership in the North East has the capacity to respond to the demands of the liberalized market economic policies of the Government of India. Moreover, it requires improved infrastructure and flow of investments, which depends on stability and level and quality of administration. The solution probably lies in a shift towards ideal politics and economic common sense oriented to people’s requirements. Our approach to economic development of the North East has to be on two plains. At the macro level, on development of the core sectors of infrastructure, power, communications, and human resource development, this should be decided in consultation with the states but implemented / executed by Central agencies with NEC playing the role of the central watchdog. The recent initiatives by CII and FICCI are in the right direction. North East Finance Development Corporation can play a vital role by creating a database, commissioning feasibility studies and identifying entrepreneurs for ancillary projects. To give encouragement to industry, changes in land policy, labor laws and infrastructure management are required. Privatization of state owned industries is a prime requirement. Reliance Industries have committed to a major project of about Rs.4000 crores for Tenga Khat Gas Cracker Plant and for telecommunications. At the micro level, emphasis should be on processing industries in agro and horticulture sector and fisheries, etc. and improvement of civic facilities like water, electricity, sanitation, community development and health. Weaving and other cottage industries should be organized on co-operative basis. They should be state particular and planned at the state level. An efficient Public Distribution System (PDS) is vital due to physical features of the area. For any infrastructure expansion and industrialization, Assam is the key to the economic development of the region. Transfer and devolution of resources from the centre through statutory grants and based on the Finance Commission’s recommendations, Planning Commission’s discretionary grants through Ministries have reached their optimum level. The need for inviting investments cannot be over-emphasized. Trading is an important part of economic activity of the North East, which is mainly in the hands of outsiders. It has vast potential, both for employment and economically, but it will become another area of the resentment unless value addition comes to the locals. The youth needs to be trained and encouraged in trading including foreign trade, secretarial services, hospitality services, communications, and IT. The North East Council established in 1972 needs to re-orient its role in the changed economic environment. It should expand its role to that of a corporation with financial, identifying, technological and providing capabilities. To be able to perform a viable role, it needs to be freed of political and bureaucratic hold and should have greater functional autonomy. Governance Fifty-Six years of democratic governance has resulted in only expansion of government and less of governance. The failure of the state to deliver has led to alienation and negative responses of the people and created a hurdle for integration. Federalism has been dispensed with and power centralized. Constitution is flexible to respond to people’s aspirations. The extension of Sixth Schedule to the hills and Fifth Schedule to the plains has not helped. While on one hand, it has created multiple layers of administration, it has divided people on ethnic lines, and clamor by small ethnic groups to obtain separate and similar status has increased. It has also provided the parochial elite to exploit ethnic sensitivities. This is accompanied by a perceptible change in the functioning of the administration of the North Eastern States since 1970. The emphasis has shifted from administration with involvement by the old Indian Frontier Administrative Service (IFAS) cadre to that of a bureaucratic white-collar administration by the IAS cadre. Local officers’ over subscribe to cadres who are empanelled based on ethnic and political patronage. At the district level, there is multiplicity of functioning between Panchayats/ ADCs, local MLAs, District Administration and State departments, all wanting control over financial allocations. State Finance Commissions are not functioning and there is no financial management and allocation based on prioritized needs and requirements. The traditional institutions have been made defunct and new institutions are non-functional. There is need for structural changes in the administration, particularly in the Hill areas. The dispensation under the 73rd and 74th amendments needs to form the grass root level framework, with traditional institutions and nomenclatures incorporated. The new Panchayati Raj system has better institutional structure for self-governance due to clearly demarcated operational areas, adequate power and resources to manage their affairs if State Finance Commissions function properly. While ADC has greater dependence on states and political patronage, the PRI are totally elective at all levels. It caters for representation of the background segments of the society and women. In essence, governance is about policy formulation based on correct identification and prioritizations and implementation with participation and supervision. Failure of governance and rule of law The recent agitation following the tragic death of Manorama Devi allegedly at the hands of Assam Rifles has brought into sharp focus failure of governance and rule of law. Both the Governor and the Chief Minister were away in Delhi during the height of the agitation, leaving nobody to interact with the agitators or take action to defuse the situation. Chief Minister, like his predecessors, joined the popular sentiment against the AFSPA and thus confronting the centre with a full-blown crisis. For politicians of the North East, such ploys are handy to cover up their failures. This should be examined in the background of high degree of instability and mis-governance, which is well known, particularly in Manipur, with widespread deprivation and frustration. Along with it Manipur has an abundance of emotive issues just to name a few, obsession with Nagalim, ghosts of Heirangoithong and Malom, Oinam and Sajouba, which the politicians are ever ready to exploit. These sidetrack the real issues of a crippled economy, unemployment, lack of water, electricity and healthcare and HIV/AIDS epidemic, which are the real causes of frustration and anger. Insurgency is totally criminalized, run by a nexus of politicians, insurgents and bureaucrats, each having a share in the state capitol. This is also the motivation for exploitation of the ethnic sentiment and public anger. Justice must be done in Manorama’s case and truth must come out as real issues of public interest cannot be wished away as it will only add to frustration and anger. Similarly, it needs to be examined if AFSPA and DAA are bad in law or its application and management of the environment is faulty. Law has been operative since 1980. Admittedly, at the height of insurgency there were aberrations and some violent ones, but few in number. Similar was the story in the Hill areas affected by the Naga insurgency. The reason was strict monitoring and institutional mechanism established by the Army. A public liaison cell was established at the M. Sector Headquarter and any one was free to walk in and enquire about arrests and status of those incarcerated. Those arrested but found innocent were released to Meira Paibis or other social organizations in the presence of the police. Similar was the case in the Hills, where village authorities were co-opted. All those suspected to be insurgents were handed over to police after interrogation. Interrogation was done in designated places and suspects could be produced before the relatives and public when required. The AFSPA, like POTA is as good or bad as the manner of its application and institutional safe guards within the security forces. The point is proved by Ramani Devi, who led the naked protesting women in front of Assam Rifles headquarters at Kangla Fort (TOI, Editorial page “Mother’s Courage” – 10th August 2004). The bigger question remains as to whether doing away with AFSPA will resolve the problem. State failure cannot be overcome by symbolic gestures. If security forces have to operate and be effective then a law is essential, as unlike the civil administration, SF cannot abdicate responsibility – God help us if it happens. Conclusion Conflicts and perceived sense of denial or deprivation have a mutually sustaining relationship, as conflicts add to deprivation, which in turn fuel conflict. Effect of both constrains economic development and well being of people which becomes a source of deprivation and alienation. This has been exploited both by the insurgents and the politicians. The real aim of resolving conflicts is to remove the deprivation of the people. Conflicts deny access to each other’s markets and resources and break interdependability. It diverts resources to interests groups and gives undue prominence to security and distorts both the requirements and priority, thus leading to corruption. Civil society, which is the main beneficiary and major part of the democratic and development process, gets sidelined. The first step in resolving the problems of the North East is understanding the North East. The most stubborn of barriers is our ignorance and lack of knowledge of the region and its people, which is largely responsible for misjudgment and wrong decisions. Only knowledge can lead to understanding and understanding generates goodwill and trust.