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Need For Mediating A Political Roadmap Between GoI And The NSCN By An International Third Party
By Yaronsho Ngalung
The aspiration of the Nagas to live as one people in a single political unit is a historico-political necessity as far as the Nagas as a political community is concerned. Historically speaking, Nagas have been living in a contiguous geographical domain since ancient times. The size of the Naga ancestral territory (Nagalim) is 120,000 sq. kms. located in the tri-junction of China, India and Burma. Out of 120,000 sq. kms, 63,493 sq.kms. Naga territory is in India while 56,507 sq. kms Naga territory is in Burma. This article relates only to the Naga territory in India as it falls within the scope of negotiations in the present political talks to which the Burmese Government is not a party. The colonial powers have made this indigenous land a space for colonial experimentation of expanding their empire for commercialization, power and control. To this end the indigenous land of the Nagas was divided, demarcated and transferred between nations and states (India and Burma). The subsequent outcome is that the Nagas are forced to live in different states, such as, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur and Nagaland states in India and Sagaing division and Kachin State in Burma without the people’s consent and agreement. Such colonial designs only culminated into destroying the dignity, unity, people hood, human rights, self-determination etc. of the indigenous Naga people. The only ways and means left to the Nagas to protect their rights was to stand up resisting the imposed political system and artificial geographical boundaries in the form of a people-based political movement. The Naga resistance movement is based on the universal principle of equal attainment of political right to self-determination of peoples and nations whether large or small.
The Naga national movement’s ideology is termed “National Socialism” or “Christian Socialism” which is drawn from the traditional Naga way of existence and modern values. This ideology believes in liberating the Naga people from colonialistic/expansionist imposition and manufactured geo-political system. And the aspiration of the Nagas for integration of all Naga areas is part and partial of deconstructing this colonialism and expansionism from their land because the Nagas would be the last people to tolerate any kind of domination and subjugation. The spirit of living honorable and dignified lives have kept alive the Naga national movement till today, which is rooted in the legendary leaders who have built and injected strong foundation of nationalism in the blood of the Naga people. The history of conflict between the Indian and Burmese States and the Nagas revolves around the question of forceful occupation of Nagalim by the Indian and Burmese States after the British left the sub-continent and the subsequent resistance by the Nagas. It is in this backdrop that integration of all Naga areas becomes a crucial condition historically and politically for a final solution to be arrived at between the negotiating parties- Government of India (GoI) and the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN).
Historically, integration of all Naga areas is necessary because the Nagas have been living in their own contiguous land and to this effect the memorandum submitted to the Simon Commission by the Naga Club in 1929, Point 6th of the Nine-Point Agreement of 1947, Independence Declaration by the Naga National Council (NNC) on 14th August 1947, Point 13th of the 16-Point Agreement of 1960, Point 2nd of the Four-Point Resolution of the 4th Naga People’s Consultative Meeting held on 20-21 January 2005 at Camp Hebron etc. have not failed to re-emphasize its necessity. Moreover, resolutions have been passed four times by the Nagaland state Assembly. At the same time, Naga leaders were also making efforts to integrate the Naga areas of Chandel, Senapati, Tamenglong and Ukhrul in Manipur and the Naga areas of Assam and Burma. A symbolic expression of non-cooperation in the form of “No House Tax Payment” to the Manipur government was launched by Naga National League in 1947-48 to this end. The Joint Agreement for the merger of the United Naga Integration Council with the All India Congress Committee signed on 4th August 1972 was also in line with the aspiration of the Nagas. Two Naga MPs and 11 MLAs from Manipur had submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister of India on 27th May 2005 for the same. The leading civil societies, such as, Naga Hoho, Naga Students’ Federation (NSF), Naga Peoples’ Movement for Human Rights (NPMHR), Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA), United Naga Council (UNC), All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur (ANSAM) etc. have submitted a number of representations to the GoI for integration of all Naga areas in addition to several rallies being taken out in the streets of Nagalim, New Delhi and other Indian cities. All the above initiatives are historic in nature which calls for a matured political dealing on the part of the GoI.
It is, undeniably, true that the GoI is well aware and understands in great dept the historicity of the Naga aspiration because of which the GoI officially recognized the “Unique History and Situation of the Nagas” on 11th July 2002. Importantly, what the GoI needs to do is to turn the official recognition into practicability for the same. The GoI’s indecisiveness on the issues has led to the present stalemate between the Indian Government and the Nagas. The indecisiveness of the Indian Government is a deliberate policy to prolong the ceasefire so that spirit of Naga nationalism takes a negative turn. Instead of democratizing the peace process the GoI has kept the issues within the bureaucratic and ministerial level. It is a clear strategy of depoliticisation and desensitization of the issues to the people. This is the reason why the people in India have not understood the importance of integration of all Naga areas. Instead the GoI was very good in making a lot of excuses citing this or that reason. The Indian Media have been consciously shaping the public opinion in the way the GoI wanted. As such the Indian Media has been suffering from state control and manipulation because of which the Indian Media do not democratize the peace process. So far almost all the Indian intelligentsia has remained mute spectator to the issues. If at all some have raised their voices, they were mainly statist in approaches. Some eminent scholars have suggested a non-territorial solution to the Nagas’ genuine cause. But the point these scholars have failed to underscore is the fact that they are not in a position to critic the colonial construction of the artificial boundaries. The reason why they have failed to critic the colonial construction of map and colonial states’ expansionist policy is simply because they are beneficiaries of the colonial states.
The Indian State’s attempted move to create political crisis on communal lines on many occasions during the peace process among the Meiteis, Assamese, Nagas and the rest of the peoples in the Northeastern region has been quite successful in terms of protests and oppositions coming especially from the three Northeastern states, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Manipur, against the Naga aspiration to live together in a single political entity. The three Northeastern states of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh have been dancing to the tune of GoI’s music in delaying the peace process by always opposing the Nagas’ genuine aspiration. But it is not their fault alone for they are part of the big Indian State. But they should be aware that there is a limit for everything and it is high time the three states think reasonably that peace without justice is meaningless. Towards this line of reasoning there could not be peace devoid of justice without integration of all Naga areas. It is expected of the three states in the days to come that they be reasonable and civilized enough to respect the aspiration of the Nagas. The present political context favors for establishing a good neighbourliness among peoples in all the Northeastern states. The Nagas are for establishing such a relationship not only with the GoI but also with all the communities in the Northeastern region for a prosperous future. One needs to clearly note that the Nagas are not against any community there. Nagas has been envisioning a realistic politics of a friendly neighborhood with all the communities. The Nagas respect the rights of all the communities for which the Naga people also hope of a positive reciprocity and cooperation from them. Respect each other’s rights is the call of the time.
In this context, it should be pointed out unambiguously that the lands of the Nagas in Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur have to be respected as indisputably belonging to the Nagas by the Meiteis, Assamese and Arunachalese. The fact that integration of all Naga areas is part and partial of the whole process of such a relationship as mentioned above should also be respected by the three states. At the same time what belongs to them should also be respected by the Nagas. All the communities should, on pragmatism, direct their attention towards such a future engagement instead of always opposing each other for the sake of opposition. The time would tell how things unfold in the future. Let there be peace with justice and truth among the Northeastern peoples as neighbors. To materialize such a harmonious future relationship, the GoI, as one of the largest democracies in the world, should explore all democratic means and policy mechanisms without any further delay.
A concrete and definite proposal/action plans which will not undermine the aspiration of the Nagas to live in one political unit and other substantive issues from the GoI’s side has become a political necessity in the aftermath of the NSCN’s calls for ending the almost 9 years of the Second Indo-Naga Ceasefire Agreement if such a proposal/an action plans from the GoI is not coming forth before 31st January 2006. This is the real challenge facing for both the entities. The question is what should be the political steps that need to be taken by both the negotiating parties towards finding a permanent political settlement to the 59 years of conflict. There have been strong pressures to the NSCN for extending the ceasefire not only from the GoI but also from different corners including International, Indian and Naga civil society organizations. Joint Consultative Legislators’ Committee on Peace in the Nagaland state Assembly had asked both the GoI and the NSCN for extension of the ceasefire. It should not be out of place to suggest some points to the GoI and the NSCN so as to save the hard-earned ceasefire agreement. It is hope that in the coming talks which is slated to be held between 27th and 31st January will somehow move towards saving the peace process. It is also expected of the GoI of sincerity and transparency in this talk.
It is felt by many ardent observers and analysts on the issues as highlighted above the need to have a crystal clear “Political Roadmap” between the GoI and the NSCN which would be mediated by an International Third Party for an early political solution. If such a Political Roadmap could be mediated through the facilitation of an International Third Party, then, the stalemate prevailing between the negotiating parties can be done way with. The United Nations Organization would be the right body for mediation into the Indo-Naga political dialogue. However, at present, as Mr. Michael C van Walt van Praag, the President of Kreddha International Council of Peace for Peoples, States and Minorities, has been involving in the peace process since 2001, would be the best choice to act as an International Third Party Mediator. The two parties to the dialogue should have no reservation for such improvement is the peace process as the internationally recognized neutral Third Party Mediator will only help reach an amicable and acceptable political solution. This Political Roadmap is imperative in the sense that there has been a long log-jam between the two parties for failure to put such a policy in place. Such a Political Roadmap should visualize for a time-bound implementation, say, to be implemented on 25th December 2006 when Jesus Christ was born as an indication of heralding a new relationship between GoI and the Nagas, which would have equal binding on the actors.
Some points are too important to be excluded from the Political Roadmap, such as, integration of all Naga areas and transferring of absolute rights of sovereignty to the Nagas on land and its resources, Indian security system should be strengthened, Joint defense of Nagalim, securing good neighborliness between the Nagas and the rest of the Northeastern states, having a strong economic, finance and communication interdependency between the GoI and the Nagas, the constitution and the flag of the Nagas to be recognized by the parties, nationality of the Nagas should be nurtured for an honorable and dignified existence and the right of Nagas to establish their offices for official purposes in all the countries to be recognized and respected by all the nations including the GoI.
In can be rightly concluded that if such an understanding for mediating a Political Roadmap between the GoI and the NSCN for final political settlement could be reached, then, we are not far from witnessing the truth of those songs “We shall overcome some day” “We shall walk hand in hand” on 25th December 2006 within the Political Roadmap timeframe, which were sung during the Christmas’ Cake cutting celebration in the last talks on 16-17 December 2005 in Bangkok in Thailand. May the Lord, the Prince of Peace, prevail upon the leaderships of the Nagas, the Government of India and the International Community in their efforts to bring an everlasting political solution in the Indian sub-continent!
*** The author is a PhD and is with the Center for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
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